ls this it? - This is it, Foreign Secretary.
Crowe's aIready here? - He arrived twenty minutes ago, sir.
Oh for God's sake.
Sorry your weekend has been ruined, sir. - Well, yours too, Alec.
Austria's mad. l should issue a communiqué saying just that.
Good afternoon, Foreign Secretary.
'Britain says Austria mad. Official!'
l was embarrassed to read the Serb note. lt was was Iike seeing a servant cringe.
lt was submissive.
Serbia has agreed to practically every demand Austria makes of her
and gets this in return.
Oh, it's a grotesque diplomatic exchange, Foreign Secretary.
What does Austria want? I mean what does she want?
It is sometimes better to forget everything we think we know and Iook instead
at what is staring us in the face. Austria doesn't want to talk.
She wants a war in the BaIkans.
I want to speak to that idiot Mensdorff.
Get the Austrian ambassador. - Yes sir.
l tell you its not often you see the Foregin Office in disarray
but it was this day.
Four weeks ago we discovered that the Archduke Franz Ferdinand, heir to the
Austrian throne, had been assassinated whiIe on a visit to Sarajevo in Bosnia.
The assassin, Gavrilo Princip, was a Serb nationalist who beIieved
that acts of terror wouId drive the Austrians out of the BaIkans.
But student fanatic, a non-entity...
ls this important enough to disturb the Foreign Secretary?
No.
What position would Britain take if a conflict wouId break out
between Austria and Serbia?
Well l suppose it doesn't take much to set the Balkans on fire.
In Berlin it was frantic too.
Austria was our ally and Franz Ferdinand was a personal friend of our Kaiser.
There is no crime greater.
The Hapsburg Empire had been crumbling for years.
And now the Kaiser said that had to stop.
Serbia must Iearn to fear the Hapsburgs again.
The Kaiser toId our Austrian friends to punish the Serbs.
They sent a long list of demands instead.
We got them in London, and what extreme demands they were.
This is an astonishing ultimatum.
lt was obvious to everybody that Serbia couId not meet those demands.
But in fact they were designed to be rejected.
But then, Serbia did meet them...
only to find that the Austrians were stiII not satisfied.
And that's why the Austrian ambassador had been summoned to the Foreign Office this morning.
You ought to be wearing body armour.
I want an expIanation.
Austria is unhappy with the Serbian response to our Iist of demands
and therefore has issued an uItimatum.
l said l want an explanation
not a reiteration of the absurd sequence of events of the last twelve hours.
Austria is unhappy. That is the explanation.
Were you surprised with the compliance of the Serbian government?
But we don't see it as a compliance.
They will extradite any government official you wish to charge in connection
with the assassination, censor their newspapers overhaul their school curricuIum
punish anyone who denigrates your royaI famiIy... Do you want me to go on?
We see these things more like... cosmetic.
But you asked for them.
And you didn't expect them to comply, did you.
Let me remind you how post-NapoIeonic dipIomacy works. Are you listening?
I'm all ears.
We statesmen, we occasionaIIy conceal things from each other, we dissemble
we act hypocriticaIIy when consistency or sincerity would be either dangerous
or hurtfuI. We don't always tell the whole truth but we don't exactly lie.
But what we've never done, is pretend the other feIIow is a fooI.
Or that black is white when everyone can see that it isn't.
Because if we did that, the whoIe system
the concert that has kept the peace in Europe, kept even the
superannuated Austrian Empire afloat would begin to break down.
We don't regard it as compIiance.
You must have Ioved the Archduke Franz Ferdidand.
We did. - l mean, really loved him.
He was the heir to our throne. - Heir to the throne!
He was despised in Vienna. His poor Czech wife even more so.
They treated her like a waitress. l'm serious, they did.
I thought you said the Serbs had bent over backwards?
Vienna wants humiliation. - And bending over backwards isn't humiliating?
You shouId try it one day, Winston.
And if l were you l'd start watching Russia now.
HumiIiating IittIe Serbia is one thing. HumiIiating her protector is quite another.
She's right about that.
Be careful of Winston, he's smeIIing blood.
Why is Vienna suddenly unafraid of Russia? That is the question.
l disagree. - With what?
l think it's the wrong question.
You don't want to hear my answer. - Oh yes, I know your answer.
Which is that Austria is acting as if Russia doesn't exist, because she's
aIready taken out an insurance poIicy in BerIin. - An insurance poIicy?
You think Austria and Germany are in cahoots over this?
Your evidence?
Winston, l can see what Edward's getting at.
We don't yet know what the Germans think of this Iatest development
and its always been a point of principIe in this country not to reduce
everything to the workings of the aIIiances.
That way the logic of war always gets the upper hand.
It's my sense that Austria cannot see beyond her quarreI with Serbia.
It's what happens to great powers when they shrink. The worId shrinks
with them, and then they cease to think about consequences.
You don't believe that Austria's aIIiance with Germany means anything?
Don't be obtuse Winston, no one's said that.
l should Iike to propose a round-table conference here in London, to be attended by
the ambassadors of the disinterested parties.
If we start talking Austria will be forced to join the conversation.
How many days do we have before Austria actually declares war?
WeII that depends on the state of their army
and how weII they've digested this year's conscripts.
Perhaps four days, maybe a week?
It's crucial for Germany to be involved in any conference.
Unthinkable without her.
You can manage that? - I beIieve so. We have more than
a few carrots to offer. - There shouId be a stick too.
You wiII discover tomorrow morning that Winston Churchill has ordered
the entire fleet to remain at Spithead. - I see.
It's a precautionary thing, l mean the ships are there aIready
for the grand navaI review as you know. They just haven't gone home.
You don't have to threaten us into a conference Edward.
l know that. - Germany is open to the idea of
a collective soIution to the Balkan probIem.
It is an opportunity I think for Britain and Germany to cooperate at Iast.
Austria wiII have to suspend its military operations first.
Naturally. - But if - when - that happens
l will be prepared to host a peace conference straight away.
And I wiII inform my government straight away. Thank you.
I ought to say Max, there is an opinion amongst us
that a possibIe reason for Austria's wreckIess behaviour
is the tacit support she enjoys from Germany.
I can see how the impression might have arisen amongst some of you.
Vienna may have got used to us backing them and perhaps that has made them as they are.
ReckIess. - Your superior said so.
And l will admit that possibiIity, but of course that is quite a different thing
from saying that she receives our encouragement.
What is it?
l admire Prince Lichnowsky and I think he's sincere.
l know that sentence and it's always foIIowed by its opposite.
Oh, come on Crowe.
TeII me why I shouIdn't pIace my faith in Lichnowsky.
l'm not sure BerIin listens to him.
He was listened to. Lichnowsky had Edward Grey's confidence, after all.
But was he respected?
Yes pIease. - Excuse me, sir...
Not by our Chancellor, Theobald von Bethmann Hollweg.
From our ambassador in London, sir.
This has just arrived?
Yes sir, seven minutes ago.
They agreed on so little.
Get me the Foreign Minister. - Yes, sir.
Of course it is a perfectIy reasonabIe proposal. Grey is a reasonabIe man.
lf I were in his position l wouId propose an international tribunal too.
Perhaps we shouId accept? - Say that again?
We should accept.
WouId you Iike to expIain to the Kaiser when he gets back from his holiday
tomorrow what has happened to his plan?
'Not a crashing military victory for our Austrian ally, Your Majesty
but a diplomatic triumph for Sir Edward Grey and the British.'
No, no l wouId not want to be the one to say that.
And that's why it wiII not be said.
We must therefore reject Edward Grey's offer Something to the effect that
Austria wouId find it... - InsupportabIe?
HumiIiating.
lt would be humiliating for a great power Iike Austria to be subjected to
the decisions of an international tribunal.
But what if the Austrians agree to Grey's proposal?
They won't. - You seem very sure.
You won't Iet them. But tell Lichnowsky we are sympathetic to the idea.
He'll want to cultivate it anyway.
We can use him to get then English off our backs for 48 hours or so.
And the Kaiser?
There is no proposaI from Britain. There never has been.
Kaiser Wilhelm knew nothing of the dipIomatic events of the past two weeks.
He'd been on his vacation, looking at the Norwegian fjords.
The world he expected to return to was one in which Serbia
had been handsomely crushed by Austria, while our most feared enemy
Russia, stood staring at a brilliant fait accompli.
Of course none of that had happened.
Did you know that Norwegians read more than any other peopIe in the world?
I have heard something of the sort, Your Majesty.
Of course you have. You know everything.
I didn't know it though.
It was very disappointing.
Norway, Your Majesty? - Norway?
Why do you want to talk about Norway?
Austria! That's disappointing. The Austrian army is stiII not in BeIgrade.
CompleteIy disappointing!
Not yet, your majesty. - Not yet!
l am assured by the Austrian Ambassador... - ln fact they decided to mobiIise
their army yesterday, so its little wonder they are 'not yet' in Belgrade.
The day before yesterday your majesty, but very Iate indeed sir
later than we expected. - Later than l wanted!
What did l teII him, Jagow, before I went on my vacation? You were there.
You said you wanted things to happen quickly.
A quick, cIean war. Over before the Russians know it has even begun, yes?
Yes, you did say that, Your Majesty. - And now, the Russians will get
all agitated, which l think I expressly said I did not want.
And this morning I arrive back in Berlin to discover that
the British have their navy on high alert. Brilliant!
l will resign.
No you won't. You cooked this broth. You wiII eat it.
What is especially humiliating is that the Serbs are now laughing at us.
You've seen their reply to the Austrian note?
l'd appreciate it if you left me to finish my breakfast.
Now, in the days following Austria's rejection of the Serbian reply
we found ourselves asking what will Russia do? What will Russia do?
Foreign Secretary? - Not now.
What is it and why have you not come to me?
Russia, our absolutist ally, was a perennial mystery to us.
We had been friends with Russia since 1907, and that was a good thing in Asia.
lt stopped us bickering about lndia and Afghanistan. But in Europe...
That's it, sir. - What is it?
... weII, it meant we were now underwriting the decisions of a very erratic aIIy.
It's the Russian army. The Tsar appears to have ordered a section of it to mobilise
in the southern districts facing the Austrian Empire.
What in God's name has he done that for? - I don't know.
It's not been confirmed yet, of course.
WeII we'II just have to hope your sources are as wretched as they usually are.
lt's a precautionary thing, I'm sure.
At any rate, it will take four weeks to come to fruition.
But they've just wrecked my peace conference. - WeII, perhaps you won't need it.
Nothing wiII bring Austria to its senses quicker than Britain supporting its Russian aIIy.
How much more belligerent do you think the Tsar will become
if he imagines the Royal Navy and a British Expeditionary Force are at his disposal?
But, Foreign Secretary, it's the effect on Germany that is the relevant thing.
Germany wants to take part in my conference. - You don't need a conference.
The quickest way to infIuence Austria is to frighten Germany.
The best way to frighten Germany is to support Russia.
The key to this problem is to cut across internationaI rivaIries.
Not re-inforce them. I'm seeing the Russian ambassador in...
It's at quarter to six. - Right. Now, in actuaI fact.
He's getting the deluxe treatment, I'm taking him to see the Prime Minister.
Good. But I think you shouId know that the men on the Russia desk are saying
that you don't take their concern seriousIy.
I'm not here to pIease the Russian desk.
They're turning into bIoody Russians in there, by the way...
I'm an eIected politician... - I know that!
... and I answer to parliament! - Of course, but...
do not aIienate Russia over this, sir.
lf we faiI to bend a IittIe towards her here
she wiII make things difficuIt for us in India.
Of course, the thing about our Russian alliance, the awkward thing
was that it tied us to this man: Tsar Nicholas the second.
No one ever knew what he was going to say next.
He was whimsical and unpredictable, as powerful men often are
answering only to God but capable of acting like God too.
Now the man in charge of his war machine was General Vladimir SukhomIinov.
Enfilade fire from this direction.
Here he is re-enacting the 1812 BattIe of Borodino.
And it was here that Kutuzov depIoyed the guards.
All part of the young prince's tuition you understand.
And the royal family's general entertainment.
And this woman, who hates the BattIe of Borodino
is general Sukhomlinov's young wife.
No Alexei, that's the infantry.
You never find horses in a trench.
This man now had 13 army corps moving towards the Austrian empire.
And that was not a pleasant thought for us in London
For we are talking 1,100,000 men.
We had to show our support for the Serbs. There'd be a rebeIIion
in Russia if we didn't. - Rubbish.
We both know that's not true, Count Benckendorff.
Are you saying that the Russian does not care at aII about his Serb brother?
l'm saying that most Russians will have more luck locating Serbia on a map
with a bIindfoId and a pin.
Count, Iet's not forget how we got here.
Austria's case against your Serb friends is that they provide
a safe haven for Bosnian terrorists. WeII, we all depIore that l think.
We do have a little difficuIty understanding
why Russia has feIt it necessary to mobiIise her army.
lt's the same thing as you did yesterday with the Royal Navy!
lt's not the same thing at all. - But it is.
This is not a 'mobiIisation'. In our administrative departments
it is called a 'period preparatory to war'.
Are you impressed with those apostrophes, Edward?
Edward is not impressed. You see, Count, pIaying with the word
cannot alter the fact that quite soon you will have
over one million men at arms moving towards the Austrian frontier.
You object to us 'mobiIising' an army that will take ten days
to assume a proper war footing.
Not four weeks? - There is an oId idea...
WiIIiam Gladstone's idea.
It says that our two countries sit on the edges of Europe
and that if we shouId ever faII out...
- ...the Iands in between should fall under the dominion of Germany.
You need only affirm your friendship to Russia tonight
and you wiII see the Austrians pull in their horns.
And the Germans too.
We know aIso that our two empires
are drawing ever cIoser together in Asia.
Soon it is likeIy that our cartographers shall collide not far
from the North West frontier of India.
lt would be a shame, wouId it not, if our grenadiers collided too?
When you are so close together and you are not friends
it is very difficuIt to avoid friction.
Now that sounded almost like a threat.
Those were your Foreign Secretary's words to me not five years ago.
Which is why we became friends.
And why we now have to heIp each other.
Foreign Secretary. Prime Minister.
He said 'ten days'.
We in BerIin were shocked by the Russian mobilisation too.
That had not been in the Kaiser's plan.
But his Chief of Staff, GeneraI Moltke?
l don't think MoItke was shocked.
The Tsar has mobiIised his southern army districts.
That's technicaIIy 1.1 miIIion men.
Perhaps a little Iess, knowing lvan.
You can aIways count on ten per cent
being curIed up in ditch with the vodka bottIe!
But, big numbers nonetheless.
More than Austria can handle.
So a stalemate? - Well that depends on what we do.
Think of it from my point of view; I'm paid to be suspicious.
So then, how am I meant to know that these Russian troops are destined
for the Austrian border?
How can l be sure that these troops aren't being sent here
or here, or here? To our borders.
Well I suppose in this... - I can't!
So are we not entitIed to mobilise an army too?
For defensive purposes.
WeII l wouId rather think the Kaiser wouId wish to retain that prerogative.
lt would be an excellent thing if Russia could be...
... encouraged to move to a generaI mobiIisation.
Get aII her men in the field.
We will see it one day, whether we Iike it or not.
Rather it happens now than in five or ten years time
when the scaIes tip towards Russia.
Think of aII these doubletrack raiIway Iines laid through Poland coming our way.
Theirs is a partiaI mobiIisation, not a generaI one.
But a generaI one wouIdn't be difficuIt to provoke, wouId it?
I aIways expect you to Iose your magic powers when we deprive you of those.
We do! We are at your mercy now.
There can't be a powerful Russia and a powerfuI Germany on the same continent.
One has to submit!
But Iet me give you a statistic.
Something that will reduce this monstrous Cossack to human size.
At the present moment the Russian Empire has possession of 4,000 machine guns.
The German Empire has 24,000.
We know why we have so many precious weapons of war.
Because we are industrious and we are prudent.
But why does Russia have so few?
Once you know the answer to that question
you have stopped fearing the Cossack.
The reason why Russia lacks machine guns
is that the GeneraI Sukhomlinov's pretty young wife adores Fabergé eggs.
Where is he going with this? - I don't know.
So old SukhomIinov, who is famously uxorious
finds that to love his wife is to empty his waIIet.
And that is why the old generaI took a back-hander from Vickers of EngIand
to suppIy aII of Russia's machine guns.
But Vickers' machine guns are three times the price of those produced in Moscow.
Here's another statistic.
We have 381 batteries of heavy artillery. They have 60!
And their forts? They are not forts. They are museums!
And don't tell me about the Russian steamroller gentlemen!
lt doesn't exist! It is a fantasy.
But... But be carefuI.
EventuaIIy old Suko will be put out to grass
and wiII be repIaced by a moderniser - with a modest wife.
lf that happens tomorrow then it is Iikely that by 1917 Russia wiII have parity with us.
lmagine that!
Imagine a BaIkan crisis where they, not we, have the whip hand.
GentIemen. It's us or them. The Teuton or the SIav.
We all know it.
Through no machinations of our own we are now being offered the chance
by very reasonabIe terms to settIe that account once and forever.
On Russia l have simiIar thoughts to you.
I've often said we overestimate their strength.
So it was like listening to my own voice in there.
I make no cIaims to originaIity.
But you faiIed to mention the French.
The French alliance with Russia. Isn't that the key?
A Russian entry into a Balkan war would mean a French entry into a BaIkan war.
And at that point we wouIdn't be caIIing it 'a Balkan war' any more.
I've just told you why you shouIdn't fear Russia.
I'm too in need of dinner right now to tell you why you shouIdn't fear France.
lt's not a question of fear of course, it's a... - You wiII manage France.
lf the time comes. I am sure of that.
lt is important that we maintain the European equipoise.
You do agree with that? - As you say.
We have a political system in Germany where power is concentrated at the top.
One of the tragedies of July 1914 was that the man at the very top
always seemed to be reacting to yesterday's news.
While Moltke's mind was turning towards a general war with Russia
the Kaiser was still trying to control Austria's locaI war with Serbia.
Every cause for war has vanished. - Your majesty?
Every cause. Gone!
What do you call this?
lt's the Serb reply to the Austrian demands. They agreed to everything.
Everything, a totaI capituIation! - I thought you said...
What! What did l say? - I was under the impression
you had read the Serb repIy before we met at breakfast yesterday.
Why on earth would you think that?
It was in front of you on the breakfast tabIe.
This whoIe thing wouIdn't be such a mess if Austria had simpIy...
if things had been done as l said they should be done.
You've had the time Bethmann.
Do we change course your majesty? - No. Get Austria into Belgrade.
They can hold the city untiI the Serbs do aII those things
they now say they are willing to do. - Yes, sir.
But it must be done immediateIy! - Yes, sir.
Message to Vienna. - Yes, sir.
I take the liberty of submitting for the consideration of Your Imperial Majesty...
No, no, no, no...
'The indulgence of Your Imperial Majesty.'
Franz Josef, the Austrian Emperor, signing a declaration of war against Serbia.
Look at his face. He might be signing an ordinance to permit
electric street-lighting in distant Budapest or lifting a ban
on linen trading in Cracow.
What he is actually doing is signing his own death warrant
and that of his dynasty.
The Kaiser had finally got his IittIe BaIkan war.
That evening the first Austrian bombs fell on Belgrade.
The Serbian government has left BeIgrade apparantIy.
To avoid capture. - I see.
Of course we're still waiting to hear officially from the Austrian embassy.
So the internationaI conference... - It's dead.
Yes, l suppose so. l can't imagine how that happened.
l thought we had an agreement.
You've been pIayed Edward. And very cIever pIay.
You have to admire Berlin. - BerIin?
They've used Prince Lichnowsky Iike a sewer.
A conduit to send all their shit our way.
Don't feeI sorry for yourself. You've onIy Iost one wicket.
The game's stiII trembIing in the baIance. - Yes, that's true.
Do remember that affability is not a strategy Edward.
Now's the time to put British power into the scales.
No more pretending we're just the umpire. l'll see myseIf out.
You toId me Berlin was going to put its weight behind a peace conference?
But Edward, that was before we reaIised
that the Russians were mobiIising their army. - Against Austria, not Germany.
l'm toId they have enough troops to worry us both.
They fear your mobiIisation too, of course. - But Germany has not mobilised.
Yes, yes. But they fear the speed with which you can...
Therefore they are obIiged to act now for fear of being overwheImed later.
l understand the point!
Crowe, could I have a moment with Prince Lichnowsky?
You're shaken by this too. I can teII. What can we do Max?
I beIieve that once the Austrians have captured Belgrade
the Kaiser will want dipIomacy to take over.
I feel I have been misIed once by Germany. - I can appreciate that
but it is not by design. PIease beIieve me.
Very weII. Once Austria has crossed the Danube let the Kaiser propose a plan for mediation.
I am not jeaIous about my roIe in this
or previous about ownership. - l know you're not.
No, we are happy to fall in with whatever he suggests.
We could caII it 'the German Peace plan'.
Oh, that wouId be very helpfuI to His Majesty.
We are friends aren't we? - Most certainIy we are friends.
So, l am telling you this because we are friends
and l wouIdn't want our intimacy to lead you astray.
lf France is drawn into this confIict... - France?
As Russia's ally it is possibIe. - UnIikely for a BaIkan question.
But stiII possibIe. And if France is drawn in, it may be difficult
for Britain to stand aside.
He will warn his government.
Britain in earnest, mediation must succeed.
'Britain in earnest'. Of course, that aIarmed the Kaiser.
He thought of his cousin, Tsar NicoIas of Russia.
Knees up.
And wondered if the two of them might not stop their respective military machines.
HaIt.
What a sad dialogue they embarked on. - Salute.
Dear Nicky, we have a common interest as sovereigns to ensure
that all persons morally responsibIe for the murder...
Dear Willy, the indignation in Russia, fuIIy shared by me is enormous.
I foresee a time when I shall be forced to take extreme measures which will Iead to war.
Dear Nicky, the whoIe weight of the decision Iies soIeIy on your shoulders now...
Dear Willy, I shall be overwhelmed by pIeasure to go to war. I appeaI to you to heIp me...
Dear Nicky... - Dear Willy...
Dear Nicky... - And on it went. - Dear Willy...
Two sovereigns living in a world of make-believe.
That evening Russia moved to full mobilisation and all her reservists were called up.
That night Moltke sent a cable to Vienna. 'Proceed to fuII mobiIisation.'
'Do not fear Russia.'
But Bethmann sent one to the Austrians too. To open hostilities with Russia
he said, would be a serious error.
Sincerely, and so on and so on.
Two conflicting voices. Whose would be louder?
We knew nothing about those two telegrams of course.
But the full Russian mobilisation we did know about.
We aIso knew that it meant France was now in danger of being drawn into the conflict.
France has arrived. - I aIways expect him to dance in.
l rather doubt he'll be in the mood for that.
This was France in the shape of Ambassador Paul Cambon. Gallic on the surface
Gallic to the core. But there were many in the Foreign Office who joked that
Monsieur Cambon was representing Russia too. For in 1892 the impossible had happened.
Republican France, home to the revolution, had signed a treaty
with Tsarist Russia, the symbol of despotic tyranny. Why had they done this?
Fear. Fear that they might be overwhelmed again by the German army.
The Foreign Secretary will see you now, Your ExceIIency.
So now, if Russia went to war, it was likely that France would do so too.
If France foIIows Russia into a BaIkan war, it will be difficult for Britain to foIIow France.
l know that sounds blunt, but I think it's important to be clear
so there's no room for misunderstanding Iater.
Germany, happily, will postpone its own mobilisation
untiI we've absoIutely exhausted efforts at mediation.
But in the Iight of Russia's actions, they're asking rather a lot of them l feeI.
lt does sound bIunt.
Ah. For a moment there I thought you'd taken a vow of siIence, Paul.
There is a war party in Germany.
He knows it. - Yes, I know it too.
But if France throws the fat in the fire by foIIowing Russia
it will simply encourage that war party. Don't you think?
How easy it is to be compIacent about Germany when you are protected by the ChanneI?
My dear fellow, its not the ChanneI that protects us, it's the Navy.
Theirs is no ordinary mobiIisation of course. The Russian railway system...
ls prehistoric. lt would be quicker to get their men to the front in horse and cart.
And therefore there is no need for us to panic. - Who panics here?
l'm saying we shouId not be hasty. - The French will be.
It's their nature. - But France has not mobilised.
On the contrary, I received a piece of information today which I wish to share with you.
On an initiative from the French Foreign Ministry to eliminate potentiaI sources of friction
all French military personneI have retreated ten kilometers from the Franco-German frontier
as from this morning.
They're getting some practice in. - Shut up.
The French have not mobilised. - Not yet.
So you're asking us to threaten someone in advance of them possibly
threatening us. - Yes. Yes l am.
What are you planning? - Either Germany fiIIs her lungs or she dies.
This is the Iaw of nations. lnternational Iife is a constant struggIe to breathe.
You want to invade France?
And then we'II deal with the Russians. - ls this vanity?
It won't be Iike your uncle's day, Moltke. I thought as a military man
you might have noticed the Iine of concrete forts they've built since 1870.
TouIs, MoulainviIIe, Douaumont... - Very good Bethmann.
You should set this to music... - Verdun...
Verdun. Oui, oui, pas oublié. Verdun.
Are we just to ignore these fortifications? Pretend they're not there, they do not exist?
We could spare France, of course, and concentrate on Russia
but Paris wouId have to agree to certain conditions.
Those, l've already outlined to our friends in London.
You're taIking to London?
They wiII receive my note tomorrow morning.
Quite incredibIe.
Germany is practicaIIy asking for the keys to France.
If France agrees to remain neutral in the event of a German-Russian war
it gets as its reward from Germany, what?
The German occupation of the fortresses of Verdun and Touls for the duration of that war!
They don't seem to know the difference between a threat and a bribe.
It's intended to provoke a French mobiIisation. - Not convinced.
It is, Edward. lt would be like them teIIing us 'We won't attack you
but Winston here must aIIow German saiIors to take command of the RoyaI Navy'.
You all keep saying 'they' or 'them'.
How do you know its not the work of just one man?
Rogues have loud voices, doesn't mean they speak for everyone.
Urgh. - I beg your pardon?
I think we must share this with the Cabinet. They will be waiting Winston.
The German proposal is inept. Of course it is. - But the principle...
But the principIe behind it is not a bad one. - What is this principle
Mr. ChanceIIor? That we stuff our aIIy? - Very good Winston.
But the principIe that Mr. Burns here is taIking about is one of separating any war in
the East with any Iikely conflict in the West.
Building a cavity wall between the two. - The sensible thing would be to
send France a signal that we do not share her enthusiasm for war.
That we rein her in. - Or leave her high and dry?
France is our ally, we do have certain obIigations.
We have an understanding with her.
That's putting it rather mildly, Lord MorIey.
lt is an understanding, that's the way the Foreign Secretary
described the Entente CordiaIe when it was first dreamt up.
And exactly what this understanding entaiIs
we around this table don't quite know.
There's nothing that you're concealing from us is there Sir Edward?
Please. Sir Edward is still in cabinet, but I could have some tea brought for you.
Thank you.
Have you been waiting Iong? - Oh, only since 1870.
For two years, your majesty. If we aII just adjust our diet a IittIe.
That's with grain from our own fieIds.
We may acquire fieIds elsewhere of course.
You mean in Russia.
Russia... eventuaIIy. - He's talking about France.
l wonder, Your Majesty, do you know how many Ministers of War
the French RepubIic has had in the Iast 43 years?
I wiII not guess. But l am sure my Chancellor here wiII know the answer.
42.
That is correct. 42 Ministers of War in 43 years. And they wonder why
their army is a rabble. - But it isn't.
Bethmann Hollweg the soIdier.
your Majesty, he wants to decIare war on France.
l don't want to. But I think a war between us is bound to happen.
He wants to. And l will tell you this: Britain will not stay neutraI
in a war that takes in France.
Britain is not capabIe of getting involved.
She cannot spare the troops. - He means Ireland.
She wiII risk how many divisions on the continent? Four? Five?
They wouId get swept up in the generaI rout. - This is irresponsible talk.
Gentlemen, it's a beautifuI summer's evening.
And l think we deserve some refreshments.
You have to say, it could teach the British a thing or two.
Well if you insist on making war on the continent
then don't just send a few outriders. Do it properIy.
l wouId ask the cabinet for authorisation to move to a full mobilisation of the Royal Navy.
Do that, and l go!
Oh John, pIease. - Sorry Prime Minister, but that is gunboat dipIomacy.
Any fool can make an heroic gesture.
Let's not confuse that with a bid for peace. - Hear, hear.
LiberaIism has got to mean something more inteIIigent
than puIIing a gun out every time you're in a quarreI.
lt's an accompaniment, John, to what I'm doing. We'II keep on taIking.
I would offer my resignation too, Prime Minister.
And l.
Prime Minister, you will not take the LiberaI Party with you into a European war.
But can l suggest this.
We have evidentIy Iost control of what is taking pIace between Austria and Russia.
But we are stiII capable of infIuencing what is happening between Germany
and France. That is where our peacemaking efforts shouId now be.
Sir Edward?
I shouId like to make a teIephone caII to the German ambassador.
Your Excellency. Sir Edward is on the Number Ten telephone
and wouId like to speak with you.
You must promise not to attack France. That is key. ln the event
of a Russian-German confIict breaking out. Yes.
Do you understand?
And we wiII undertake to guarantee that Britain and France wiII not attack Germany in return.
The French have agreed to this?
What? - JuIy.
The French have... - That is correct.
Then I wiII take the responsibility for saying now that the German government
will respond positively, pIeasurably, to your initiative.
Sir Edward?
Sir Edward Grey's proposal is to be commended for guaranteeing the security
of our border with France.
What did you say to Germany? You have sold us, l can tell.
Crowe, please, wiII you join us?
l have not soId you. lt is simply this. The cabinet feels Britain has no
interest in what is essentially and Austro- Russian dispute in the East.
France of course has her alliance with Russia, the provisions of which we know
nothing about and we cannot aIIow ourseIves to be the tail Russia's comet.
You have sold us! - We haven't.
Each day we delay our mobiIisation
we Iose the equivaIent of 25 kilometres of French territory if war does break out.
But I appreciate France's restraint and would urge her to continue on that course.
How many French lives wiII it take to get each of these 25 kiIometres back?
Paul...
Are you going to wait until France is vioIated before you act?
You must make your own decision and not reckon on British assistance.
We for our part wiII continue to expIore peace initiatives with Germany.
This evening, the word 'honour' wiII be struck from the EngIish dictionary.
I thought he wouId be a little more pIiabIe.
He's distraught, of course. l think the French will back down.
l think they'll see sense.
Can I ask you sir, what preciseIy did you say to Prince Lichnowsky on the teIephone?
I - I toId him...
I'm not entirely sure Crowe.
That's rather awkward.
Everyone thinks I have the power to invent new facts when the old ones
become dangerous.
They think if they tell me their predicament it will disappear.
To them you are Great Britain. You hold immense power.
l am aIso just Edward Grey.
The Kaiser ordered the mobiIisation of our army aginst Russia that evening.
And then, France aIso mobiIised.
If the iron dice roll, may God help us.
Trains must leave every 90 seconds. No deIays. No excuses.
A miIIion of our soldiers wouId soon be on the move.
And l wouId be one of them.
We think we are good at this? Let us prove it.
But then suddenly, out of the clear blue sky, came Edward Grey's peace plan.
The one he proposed on the telephone to Prince Lichnowsky.
lt arrived in Berlin just 23 minutes after the Kaiser had signed our mobilisation papers.
Open those doors. And bring champagne. - What is it?
The best champagne. - What is it?
Gentlemen, l just received word from Prince Lichnowsky in London.
'French and...' ChanceIIor, you represent the civiIian arm of Germany.
You read it. - 'French and British neutrality
guaranteed if Germany refrains from attacking France.'
Only Russia is left in the fieId. - l have 25,000 trains in motion.
Will Russia back down now aIso? - She might weII do that.
25,000 trains are moving westwards. - They don't have brakes?
Our forward units are about to enter Luxemburg. - Then stop them, Moltke.
And deploy the entire army to the East. - l can't. lt's too Iate.
lt's a command, you half-wit. Stop them and turn the army to the East.
Let's go.
To England. - To Sir Edward Grey.
It will be compIete chaos! The whole world wiII be thrown into chaos!
The Army.
You said the whoIe worId. It's just the Army. It is simpIe Moltke.
Applaud this man's superb dipIomacy, and then begin shifting your men to the East.
We'II discuss reservations once you've finished. Well, on with it, mobilise
yourself first. - This isn't leadership.
You might start by getting those Luxemburg patrols back before they do some damage
It isn't.
Even with that absurd marshaIs baton in your hand. - Moltke! - Your one good hand.
When do wars start?
When a declaration is signed or when an embassy is closed?
Or do we delude ourseIves that these formalities are what count?
l know this. Our feIIows were not meant to be in Luxemburg on August 1st.
We had not declared an argument with that country, let alone declared a war.
Yet, at seven in the evening a detachment of the 69th infantry regiment crossed
over into Luxemburg.
They were under the command of a Lieutenant Feldmann, who'd been
told to seize the town's telegraph office.
No casualties were suffered that day, unless you count Private Mayer with his
sprained ankle.
But this strange little engagement was the curtain-raiser to an all-out war
on the Western Front.
Or it would have been, had Sir Edward Grey's peace plan not reached Berlin just
in time.
FeIdmann was told to come home. The war in the West had been cancelled.
Dear Georgie, having just received the glorious communication from your government
offering French neutrality under guarantee of Great Britain, l am deIighted to
convey my own government's enthusiasm for the proposal.
How does an army of severaI million men
defeat another army of severaI million men?
l will Iikely resign from the government if we enter this war.
For God's sake
state the conditions under which Britain will remain neutraI.
That you do not go to war with France.
Madness, they could have saved us.
Those are German raiIway pIatforms. They're now half a miIe long.
German troops are heading towards the BeIgian border.
You'll be told there isn't a better time to be young
and that you are the envy of those too oId to fight.
I've never seen myself as a soIdier.
The immense expense of blood will in the end be for nothing.
It is you who can stop it.